Salvador Allende's Final Speech

by **Celtiberian** Tue Jun 28, 2011 10:46 pm

The following is an incredibly moving speech delivered by Pres. Salvador Allende in the midst of the reactionary coup d'état of 1973, and shortly before his tragic suicide.

MP3 of the Speech

English translation:

My friends,

Surely this will be the last opportunity for me to address you. The Air Force has bombed the towers of Radio Portales and Radio Corporación.

My words do not have bitterness but disappointment. May they be a moral punishment for those who have betrayed their oath: soldiers of Chile, titular commanders in chief, Admiral Merino, who has designated himself Commander of the Navy, and Mr. Mendoza, the despicable general who only yesterday pledged his fidelity and loyalty to the Government, and who also has appointed himself Chief of the Carabineros [national police].

Given these facts, the only thing left for me is to say to workers: I am not going to resign!

Placed in a historic transition, I will pay for loyalty to the people with my life. And I say to them that I am certain that the seed which we have planted in the good conscience of thousands and thousands of Chileans will not be shriveled forever.

They have strength and will be able to dominate us, but social processes can be arrested neither by crime nor force. History is ours, and people make history.

Workers of my country: I want to thank you for the loyalty that you always had, the confidence that you deposited in a man who was only an interpreter of great yearnings for justice, who gave his word that he would respect the Constitution and the law and did just that. At this definitive moment, the last moment when I can address you, I wish you to take advantage of the lesson: foreign capital, imperialism, together with the reaction, created the climate in which the Armed Forces broke their tradition, the tradition taught by General Schneider and reaffirmed by Commander Araya, victims of the same social sector which will today be in their homes hoping, with foreign assistance, to retake power to continue defending their profits and their privileges.

I address, above all, the modest woman of our land, the campesina who believed in us, the worker who labored more, the mother who knew our concern for children. I address professionals of Chile, patriotic professionals, those who days ago continued working against the sedition sponsored by professional associations, class-based associations that also defended the advantages which a capitalist society grants to a few.

I address the youth, those who sang and gave us their joy and their spirit of struggle. I address the man of Chile, the worker, the farmer, the intellectual, those who will be persecuted, because in our country fascism has been already present for many hours—in terrorist attacks, blowing up the bridges, cutting the railroad tracks, destroying the oil and gas pipelines, in the face of the silence of those who had the obligation to protect them. They were committed. History will judge them.

Surely Radio Magallanes will be silenced, and the calm metal instrument of my voice will no longer reach you. It does not matter. You will continue hearing it. I will always be next to you. At least my memory will be that of a man of dignity who was loyal to [inaudible] the workers.

The people must defend themselves, but they must not sacrifice themselves. The people must not let themselves be destroyed or riddled with bullets, but they cannot be humiliated either.

Workers of my country, I have faith in Chile and its destiny. Other men will overcome this dark and bitter moment when treason seeks to prevail. Go forward knowing that, sooner rather than later, the great avenues will open again where free men will walk to build a better society.

Long live Chile! Long live the people! Long live the workers!

These are my last words, and I am certain that my sacrifice will not be in vain, I am certain that, at the very least, it will be a moral lesson that will punish felony, cowardice, and treason.

Santiago de Chile, 11 September 1973

by **Rev Scare** Wed Jun 29, 2011 3:50 am

An honorable man. The unfortunate fate of Chile affirms the notion that socialism cannot become the dominant global order until it is adopted by a powerful First World nation. Until then, any true socialist manifestation in the world is destined to meet with fierce, and in all probability insurmountable, hostility.

Likewise, any post-revolutionary socialist government that arises in an influential nation would, in my estimation, be compelled to suppress reactionary movements rather than allowing them to deteriorate the newly founded framework if it were to remain viable. Of course, subversion from within is far easier in the Third World than it would be in the First World, which is why such a scenario would be perceived as catastrophic by the capitalist class and would drive it to desperate and despicable measures. If, for example, a socialist government emerged in the United States (the most ideal of nations for this to occur) or any other significant bourgeois state, I do not find it at all unlikely that the international bourgeoisie would plunge the world into another world war in order to secure its power base, even if this entailed nuclear war. Such is the nature of shortsighted greed.

In any case, this topic allows for much interesting discussion, but I can say that I would not be averse to employing repressive policies against counterrevolutionaries if their actions functioned so as to undermine honest government proceedings.

by **Celtiberian** Tue Jul 05, 2011 10:28 pm

Revolutionary Wolf wrote:An honorable man. The unfortunate fate of Chile affirms the notion that socialism cannot become the dominant global order until it is adopted by a powerful First World nation. Until then, any true socialist manifestation in the world is destined to meet with fierce, and in all probability insurmountable, hostility.

Indeed. Until proletarian revolution occurs in the Global North, the development of radical movements in the peripheral nations of the world shall continue to be thwarted. When the Soviet Union existed as a world superpower, the prospect for socialism in the Global South was in a slightly better position—though it would be mistaken to overlook the fact that Soviet assistance was always conditional; the nations within its sphere of influence were never truly free to develop autonomously.

The primary reason Hugo Chávez's regime, for example, hasn't been overthrown yet is simply because Chávez possesses the respect of the overwhelming majority of Venezuelan citizens and, more importantly, an appreciable portion of the military. Consequently, it would be very difficult for a coup d'état (even with assistance from the CIA) to succeed—the failed coup attempt in 2002 proved this, but that's not to say a coup d'état couldn't- or won't eventually overthrow the regime. As the Bolivarian Revolution continues to mature, the threat of even outright foreign intervention (under the guise of humanitarian "regime change," of course) will continue to mount. Once the entire Venezuelan bourgeoisie has been expropriated, and the nation shines ever more brightly as an example to other countries regarding how to organize a truly just economic order, I fear it won't be long before the imperialist powers undertake a violent effort to eradicate all vestiges of socialism in Venezuela.

Likewise, any post-revolutionary socialist government that arises in an influential nation would, in my estimation, be compelled to suppress reactionary movements rather than allowing them to deteriorate the newly founded framework if it were to remain viable. Of course, subversion from within is far easier in the Third World than it would be in the First World, which is why such a scenario would be perceived as catastrophic by the capitalist class and would drive it to desperate and despicable measures. If, for example, a socialist government emerged in the United States (the most ideal of nations for this to occur) or any other significant bourgeois state, I do not find it at all unlikely that the international bourgeoisie would plunge the world into another world war in order to secure its power base, even if this entailed nuclear war. Such is the nature of shortsighted greed.

Should a nation as geopolitically significant as the United States ever turn socialist, a third World War (prompted by international capital) is a near certainty. How a post-revolutionary society should deal with counterrevolutionaries is a very controversial subject, but of the utmost importance. Personally, I favor a fairly firm approach on the issue—violent reactionaries must be met with violence, but dissenting views shouldn't be fought against (too zealous an approach to the issue can, in certain circumstances, provoke an unnecessary backlash from the population at large).

I would not be averse to employing repressive policies against counterrevolutionaries if their actions functioned so as to undermine honest government proceedings.

I'm in full agreement with you.

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